Historical materialism
The mode of material production is society's base; law, politics and ideology are its superstructure. The contradiction between productive forces and relations of production drives history.
The Nineteenth Century · 1818 – 1883
马克思
The philosophers have only interpreted the world; the point is to change it. History is driven by modes of production, and capitalism breeds its own gravediggers in its contradictions.
The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point is to change it.
Source: Theses on Feuerbach, XI
Marx was born in Trier to a Jewish lawyer who had converted to Protestantism. He studied law and philosophy at Bonn and Berlin, joined the Young Hegelians, and in 1841 took his doctorate with a thesis on Epicurus. Barred from a university career by his radicalism, he edited the Rheinische Zeitung until it was suppressed, married the aristocratic Jenny von Westphalen in 1843 and moved to Paris, where he met Engels, began studying political economy and wrote the Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844 on alienated labour.
Expelled from France in 1845, he wrote The German Ideology with Engels in Brussels, setting out historical materialism: people must first eat, drink and shelter, and the mode of production determines social structure and ideology. On the eve of the 1848 revolutions the two wrote The Communist Manifesto for the Communist League: the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggle, and the bourgeoisie, which has created unprecedented productive forces, has also created the proletariat that will bury it. After the revolutions failed he was expelled from Germany and France and in 1849 went into exile in London, where he lived for the rest of his life.
The first London decade was one of extreme poverty; three children died, and he lived on Engels' support and articles for the New York Daily Tribune, working daily in the British Museum reading room. In 1864 he helped found the First International and fought bitterly with Bakunin's anarchists. In 1867 the first volume of Capital appeared, analysing the commodity, money, surplus value, the working day, machinery and accumulation, and concluding that capitalism's laws of accumulation must concentrate wealth and accumulate misery until 'the expropriators are expropriated'. Engels edited volumes two and three after his death.
The core of his philosophy is practice: through labour people transform nature and themselves, consciousness is the product of social being, and the ideas of the ruling class are the ruling ideas. Under capitalism the worker is alienated from the product, the process, the species-essence and other people. He never described the future society in detail, saying only that it would be 'an association of free individuals'. He is buried in Highgate Cemetery under the words 'the philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways; the point is to change it'. In the twentieth century a third of humanity lived under regimes bearing his name, and his thought also shaped sociology, history and critical theory.
The mode of material production is society's base; law, politics and ideology are its superstructure. The contradiction between productive forces and relations of production drives history.
Under capitalism the worker is alienated from the product, the labour process, the species-essence and other people. Labour, which should be self-realisation, becomes self-loss.
The worker's wage equals only the cost of reproducing labour-power; the value created by labour beyond that is appropriated by the capitalist. That is the secret of profit.
The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggle. The state is the instrument of the ruling class, and revolution the locomotive of history.
Social relations between people appear in the market as relations between things. Commodities seem to come alive while people become their appendages.
Truth is not a question of theory but of practice. The philosophers have only interpreted the world; the point is to change it.
He said he had turned Hegel's dialectic right side up: not ideas but material production drives history, yet the method of contradiction, negation and totality was kept whole.
Feuerbach reduced God to man; Marx went one step further: man is not an abstract species-essence but the ensemble of social relations, and alienation is rooted in labour, not religion.
From Smith and Ricardo he took the labour theory of value, then used it to show that profit comes from the appropriation of surplus labour.
His doctoral thesis compared the atomism of Democritus and Epicurus, praising the Epicurean swerve for leaving room for freedom.
Forty years his collaborator: what Engels saw of factory life in Manchester turned Marx toward economics, his money made Capital possible, and his editing brought out its last two volumes.
In the mid-1920s he read Lukács and Marx and turned commodity fetishism into a lens for nineteenth-century Paris, yet never gave up the theological dimension.
He broadened Marx's critique of political economy into a 'critical theory' of society as a whole, opposed to 'traditional theory' that merely describes what is.
When the 1844 Manuscripts were first published in 1932 he was among their earliest reviewers, reading out of them a 'philosophical' Marx centred on alienation and human essence.
He respected Marx's moral motives but treated the prophecy of historical laws as the classic historicist error: the growth of human knowledge makes the future unpredictable.
After the war he tried to graft existentialism onto Marxism, calling Marxism 'the untranscendable philosophy of our time' and existentialism only an enclave within it.
He said he had three mistresses, geology, Marx and Freud, and that all three sought structure beneath the surface.
He spent twelve years as a Marxist militant in the group Socialisme ou Barbarie, reporting on the Algerian war, left in 1966, and thereafter treated Marxism as one of the grandest of grand narratives.
A Marxist in youth, author of Marxism and Christianity, he held to the end that Marx's critique of capitalism was essentially right, only that Marx did not understand the virtues.
From Maoist militant he became the philosopher of the 'communist hypothesis': communism is not a form of state but an Idea that must be reinvented.
He rewrote commodity fetishism as the formula of ideology: 'they know very well, but still they do it'; ideology lies not in belief but in practice.